insulates the well off from the poor, and is utilised increasingly by private as
opposed to public interests.
Schiller maintains that while America has declined in terms of its overall
position within the world economy, it has maintained its hegemony over the
globe’s culture. Since the 1980s, culture everywhere has become increasingly
Americanised and penetrated by economic reason. The increasing integration of
media products into the global market, and the rapid deregulation of public cultures
have promoted worldwide processes of Americanisation. This has been achieved
thorough the direct promotion of American products, and the local copying of
American television styles and formats. Just as American capitalism was able
to marginalise oppositional structures at home, so with the running down of public
cultures abroad it has been able to penetrate into new markets. Commercially
driven media, which are the main carriers of American products, are currently
overrunning a passive world. Significantly it is the global economy rather than
the nation-state which is the new mechanism of governance. In the face of networks
of global capital the nation is struggling to maintain its cultural autonomy and
preserve the distinctiveness of internally constructed social identities. Indeed the
development of global communications has been driven less by individual states
than by the world’s rich and powerful seeking to cordon themselves off from the
poor. In this reading, again mirroring developments within American society, the
globe’s wealthy consumers will become the targets of accumulation strategies,
thereby repressing questions concerning deepening global inequalities that will
inevitably be avoided by overtly capitalist controlled media structures. A world
dominated less by the governance of the nation, and more by the commercial
imperatives of global capitalism will foster a social environment where a few
prosper and many are marginalised.
Schiller then would need to argue that many of the Internet’s most radical
enthusiasts neglect the way that the new media is integrated into a global capitalist
economy. For instance, Julian Stallabrass (1996) argues that the super information
highway and cyberspace will not offer a utopian domain of free communication,
but the perfect market place, able to operate through space and time at the flick
of a switch. Those who are currently excited about the future possibilities of the
Net are failing to ask who will control the information, to whom it will be made
available and in whose interests it is likely to be run. The answers to these questions
can be traced back to the needs of global capital. For instance, so-called virtual
communities are places built upon irony and play, unlike real communities which
are places of obligation and responsibility.
急！！论文用。完成后有追加！
理解媒体文化/ 理解传媒文化
insulates the well off from the poor, and is utilised increasingly by private as opposed to public interests.
使富裕与穷人隔绝，被越来越多的个人使用去反对公共利益。（这句话好像少个主语）
Schiller maintains that while America has declined in terms of its overall position within the world economy, it has maintained its hegemony over the globe’s culture.
Schiller认为当美国在世界经济的总体地位已经下降时，它开始维持在全球文化中的霸权地位
Since the 1980s, culture everywhere has become increasingly Americanised and penetrated by economic reason.
从20世纪八十年代以来，各处的文化由于经济原因而开始越来越多的美国化和被美国文化渗入
The increasing integration of media products into the global market, and the rapid deregulation of public cultures have promoted worldwide processes of Americanisation.
日益增长的媒体性产品和全球市场的融合/一体化，以及飞速发展的放松管制的大众文化也促进了世界范围内的美国化进程。
This has been achieved thorough the direct promotion of American products, and the local copying of American television styles and formats.
这样的结果归功于对美国产品的直接推广和当地对美国电视节目的风格和形式的模仿复制
Just as American capitalism was able to marginalise oppositional structures at home, so with the running down of public cultures abroad it has been able to penetrate into new markets.
正如美国资本主义能够在家里边缘化反对的结构形态一样，国外大众文化的下降也能够渗入新的市场。
Commercially driven media, which are the main carriers of American products, are currently
overrunning a passive world.
用商业化来驱动媒体，是美国产品的主要载体，目前正在一个被动的世界里泛滥。
Significantly it is the global economy rather than the nation-state which is the new mechanism of governance.
很明显，现在管理的新机制是全球经济而不是单一民族国家
In the face of networks of global capital the nation is struggling to maintain its cultural autonomy and preserve the distinctiveness of internally constructed social identities.
在全球资本网络面前，这个民族正在争取保持它的文化自主性和保护内部构造的社会身份的区别性。
Indeed the development of global communications has been driven less by individual states
than by the world’s rich and powerful seeking to cordon themselves off from the
poor.
的确，全球通信的发展被各个国家减少，而不是被世界上富裕的、强大的意图使自己远离贫穷的人们。
In this reading, again mirroring developments within American society, the globe’s wealthy consumers will become the targets of accumulation strategies, thereby repressing questions concerning deepening global inequalities that will inevitably be avoided by overtly capitalist controlled media structures.
在这篇文章中，再一次反映了美国社会内部的发展，全球的富有的消费者们将成为累计战略的目标。因此，关于深化全球不平等的抑制问题将不可避免的被控制媒体结构的资本家明显地忽略。
A world dominated less by the governance of the nation, and more by the commercial
imperatives of global capitalism will foster a social environment where a few prosper and many are marginalised.
一个被国家管控越来越少而被全球资本主义的营利的统治越来越多的世界，将会培育出一个只有一些繁荣和更多边缘化的社会环境。
Schiller then would need to argue that many of the Internet’s most radical enthusiasts neglect the way that the new media is integrated into a global capitalist economy.
Schiller 然后将需要去证明，英特网上的大多数激进的狂热者们忽略了新媒体融入一个全球资本主义经济的方式。
For instance, Julian Stallabrass (1996) argues that the super information highway and cyberspace will not offer a utopian domain of free communication, but the perfect market place, able to operate through space and time at the flick of a switch.
例如，Julian Stallabrass(1996)争论说信息高速公路和网络空间不会提供一个自由交际的理想化的产业（乌托邦产业），但是完全市场能够通过轻轻一按开关就穿越时间和空间去操作。
Those who are currently excited about the future possibilities of the Net are failing to ask who will control the information, to whom it will be made available and in whose interests it is likely to be run.
那些目前为英特网将来的可能性而激动的人没有去问问谁将会控制信息，谁将能去使用，和它将代表谁的利益去运行。
The answers to these questions can be traced back to the needs of global capital.
这些问题的答案可以追溯到全球资本的需要上
For instance, so-called virtual communities are places built upon irony and play, unlike real communities which are places of obligation and responsibility.
例如，所谓的虚拟社区是建立在讽刺和玩耍之上的地方，不像真实的团体那样，是一个充满了义务和责任的地方
手译，请参考
希望对你有帮助
反对公共利益。
席勒认为，虽然美国已拒绝在其整体
在世界经济中的地位，一直坚持其对霸权
全球的文化。 20世纪80年代以来，文化处处有越来越
美国化和经济原因侵入。在日益一体化的
媒体产品进入全球市场，公共文化迅速放松管制
促进了世界范围内的美国化进程。取得这样的成绩
彻底的美国产品的直接推广，和当地复制
美国电视样式和格式。正如美国资本主义是能够
在家里排斥对立的结构，所以与跑下来的公共
文化在国外它已经能够渗透到新市场。商业化
驱动的媒体，这是美国产品的主要载体，目前
超越一个被动的世界。值得注意的是，全球经济，而不是
民族国家这是治理的新机制。在面对网络
全球资本的国家正在努力维持其文化自治和
维护国内构建社会身份的独特性。事实上，
全球通信的发展带动了由个别国家少
比世界上的富国和强国的企图封锁自己关闭
穷人。在这个读书会，在美国社会再次镜像的发展，
全球的富裕消费者将成为积累战略目标，
有关的问题，从而抑制全球不平等，将加深
无可避免地避免资本主义的结构控制的媒体公开。一个世界
主导较少受到了国家的治理，以及更多的商业
全球资本主义的必要性将促进社会环境，其中一数
繁荣和许多被边缘化。
席勒则认为，需要在互联网上最激进的许多
爱好者忽视了，新媒体成为一个全球性的资本主义整合的方式
经济。例如，朱利安Stallabrass（1996）认为，超级信息
公路和网络空间将不提供一个自由交流的乌托邦域，
但完美的市场，能够通过空间和操作时间轻弹
一个开关。这些谁是目前对未来的可能性感到兴奋的
net的，没有要求谁能够控制的信息，这将是向谁提出
提供并在其利益很可能运行。对这些问题的答案
可追溯到全球资本的需求。例如，所谓的虚拟
社区建成后，讽刺和娱乐的地方，不像真正的社区，这
是义务和责任的地方。
