Hence the argument that cultural development can be assumed to ‘mirror’
economic development can no longer be seen to apply. The shift in perspectives
hinted at by these structural changes has lead Mattelart and Mattelart (1992) to
argue for the abandonment of the media imperialism thesis. They argue that while
the dimensions of political economy remain important in the production of culture
it should be tied to a more specific appreciation of the intersection between different
global regions and local conditions. They now argue that while the media
imperialism thesis has been historically important in raising the consciousness of
those nations outside the rich capitalist club, the theory no longer adequately
maps (if indeed it ever did) global communicative relations. Further, the Mattelarts
hold that media imperialism always had its weaknesses, in that it consistently
failed to account for the cultural relations within ‘Third World’ states and the
uneven distribution of capitalist technology. In order to account for global relations
the ‘media imperialist’ thesis needs to be replaced by a different theoretical
paradigm.
More recently Mattelart and Mattelart (1992) point towards the increasing
commercialisation and economic penetration of shared public spaces as the most
promising contender for the new paradigm. Such arguments have the added
advantage of ditching ethnocentric notions of Westernisation and talk instead of
a multi-polar commercial culture. The problem for those interested in global
political economy is no longer primarily the imposition of cultural homogeneity
through Americanisation, but concerns the transformation and privatisation
of public spaces in a world economy. These transformations, especially within
Europe, have undermined national public service models of media production
through processes of deregulation and the need to compete within international
markets. From a political economy perspective, globalisation concerns processes
of liberalisation, commercialisation, privatisation and internationalisation. The
coming together of large media conglomerates and new information technology
defines a communication field marked by commercial rather than state regulation
(Mosco, 1996).
Whatever the adequacy of these reflections I think the main stumbling block
for the media imperialist thesis lies in its economic essentialism. Those who
advocate forms of media imperialism like Schiller largely derive their studies from
economic dependency theory. The flaw in this argument is that cultural identities
and processes are thought to reflect material social structures. For Schiller, if
America were the dominant cultural power in the 1960s, this is a direct reflection
of its economic standing. Further, if we can demonstrate the global nature of
American culture then it is quite proper to assume that the world’s peoples are
being ideologically indoctrinated by its influence.
有追加
理解媒体文化/ 理解传媒文化
insulates the well off from the poor, and is utilised increasingly by private as opposed to public interests.
使富裕与穷人隔绝，被越来越多的个人使用去反对公共利益。（这句话好像少个主语）
Schiller maintains that while America has declined in terms of its overall position within the world economy, it has maintained its hegemony over the globe’s culture.
Schiller认为当美国在世界经济的总体地位已经下降时，它开始维持在全球文化中的霸权地位
Since the 1980s, culture everywhere has become increasingly Americanised and penetrated by economic reason.
从20世纪八十年代以来，各处的文化由于经济原因而开始越来越多的美国化和被美国文化渗入
The increasing integration of media products into the global market, and the rapid deregulation of public cultures have promoted worldwide processes of Americanisation.
日益增长的媒体性产品和全球市场的融合/一体化，以及飞速发展的放松管制的大众文化也促进了世界范围内的美国化进程。
This has been achieved thorough the direct promotion of American products, and the local copying of American television styles and formats.
这样的结果归功于对美国产品的直接推广和当地对美国电视节目的风格和形式的模仿复制
Just as American capitalism was able to marginalise oppositional structures at home, so with the running down of public cultures abroad it has been able to penetrate into new markets.
正如美国资本主义能够在家里边缘化反对的结构形态一样，国外大众文化的下降也能够渗入新的市场。
Commercially driven media, which are the main carriers of American products, are currently
overrunning a passive world.
用商业化来驱动媒体，是美国产品的主要载体，目前正在一个被动的世界里泛滥。
Significantly it is the global economy rather than the nation-state which is the new mechanism of governance.
很明显，现在管理的新机制是全球经济而不是单一民族国家
In the face of networks of global capital the nation is struggling to maintain its cultural autonomy and preserve the distinctiveness of internally constructed social identities.
在全球资本网络面前，这个民族正在争取保持它的文化自主性和保护内部构造的社会身份的区别性。
Indeed the development of global communications has been driven less by individual states
than by the world’s rich and powerful seeking to cordon themselves off from the
poor.
的确，全球通信的发展被各个国家减少，而不是被世界上富裕的、强大的意图使自己远离贫穷的人们。
In this reading, again mirroring developments within American society, the globe’s wealthy consumers will become the targets of accumulation strategies, thereby repressing questions concerning deepening global inequalities that will inevitably be avoided by overtly capitalist controlled media structures.
在这篇文章中，再一次反映了美国社会内部的发展，全球的富有的消费者们将成为累计战略的目标。因此，关于深化全球不平等的抑制问题将不可避免的被控制媒体结构的资本家明显地忽略。
A world dominated less by the governance of the nation, and more by the commercial
imperatives of global capitalism will foster a social environment where a few prosper and many are marginalised.
一个被国家管控越来越少而被全球资本主义的营利的统治越来越多的世界，将会培育出一个只有一些繁荣和更多边缘化的社会环境。
Schiller then would need to argue that many of the Internet’s most radical enthusiasts neglect the way that the new media is integrated into a global capitalist economy.
Schiller 然后将需要去证明，英特网上的大多数激进的狂热者们忽略了新媒体融入一个全球资本主义经济的方式。
For instance, Julian Stallabrass (1996) argues that the super information highway and cyberspace will not offer a utopian domain of free communication, but the perfect market place, able to operate through space and time at the flick of a switch.
例如，Julian Stallabrass(1996)争论说信息高速公路和网络空间不会提供一个自由交际的理想化的产业（乌托邦产业），但是完全市场能够通过轻轻一按开关就穿越时间和空间去操作。
Those who are currently excited about the future possibilities of the Net are failing to ask who will control the information, to whom it will be made available and in whose interests it is likely to be run.
那些目前为英特网将来的可能性而激动的人没有去问问谁将会控制信息，谁将能去使用，和它将代表谁的利益去运行。
The answers to these questions can be traced back to the needs of global capital.
这些问题的答案可以追溯到全球资本的需要上
For instance, so-called virtual communities are places built upon irony and play, unlike real communities which are places of obligation and responsibility.
例如，所谓的虚拟社区是建立在讽刺和玩耍之上的地方，不像真实的团体那样，是一个充满了义务和责任的地方
手译，请参考
希望对你有帮助
因此，文化发展的说法可以被假定为'镜'
经济发展不能再被视为适用。在视角转换
暗示这些结构性变化已导致马特拉和马特拉（1992）
主张对媒介帝国主义论文抛弃。他们认为，虽然
政治经济学的尺寸仍然是重要的文化生产
它应该连接到一个更具体的路口之间的不同升值
全球各地区和当地的条件。现在他们认为，虽然媒体
帝国主义历史上重要的论文已在提高意识
富人俱乐部以外的资本主义国家，不再充分的理论
地图（如果确实曾有过的）全球沟通关系。此外，Mattelarts
媒体认为，帝国主义一直有其弱点，因为它始终
没有考虑到在'第三世界'国家和文化关系
分配不均的资本主义的技术。以占全球关系
在'媒体帝国主义毕业论文需要更换一个不同的理论
范例。
最近马特拉和马特拉（1992）点对提高
商业化和经济渗透的共享公共空间的最
有希望的竞争者的新的范例。这些论点有加
种族中心主义的西化开沟概念的优势，而不是谈
一个多极的商业文化。对于那些有兴趣在全球问题
政治经济已经不再是强加的文化同质性
通过美国化，而是涉及改造和私有化
在世界经济中的公共空间。这些变革，尤其是在
欧洲，破坏了国家的媒体制作公共服务模式
通过放松管制的过程，以及在国际竞争的需要
市场。从政治经济学的角度看，全球化进程的关注
自由化，商业化，私有化和国际化。该
走到一起的大型传媒集团和新信息技术
定义了一个由商业通信领域，而不是国家调控明显
（摩士高，1996）。
无论是否足够这些反射我认为主要的绊脚石
为媒体帝国主义论文，就在于它的经济本质。这些谁
席勒帝国主义的媒体，如提倡形式获得他们的研究主要是从
经济依赖理论。在这个论点的缺陷是，文化身份
和进程被认为是反映物质的社会结构。对于席勒，如果
美国是在20世纪60年代占主导地位的文化力量，这是一个直接反映
其经济地位。此外，如果我们可以证明全球性的
美国文化则是十分恰当的假设，世界人民
被灌输其意识形态的影响。
